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第134章

The National Economists of Italy

Italy has been the forerunner of all modern nations, in thetheory as well as in the practice of Political Economy.CountPechio has given us a laboriously written sketch of that branch ofItalian literature; only his book is open to the observation, thathe has clung too slavishly to the popular theory, and has not dulyset forth the fundamental causes of the decline of Italy's nationalindustry -- the absence of national unity, surrounded as she was bygreat nationalities united under hereditary monarchies; further,priestly rule and the downfall of municipal ******* in the Italianrepublics and cities.If he had more deeply investigated thesecauses, he could not have failed to apprehend the special tendencyof the 'Prince' of Macchiavelli, and he would not have passed thatauthor by with merely an incidental reference to him.(1*)Through a remark of Pechio, that Macchiavelli in a letter tohis friend Guicciardini (in 1525) had proposed a union of all thePowers of Italy against the foreigner, and that as that letter wascommunicated to Pope Clement VII he had thus exercised considerableinfluence in the formation of the 'Holy League' (in 1526), we wereled to imagine that the same tendency must underlie the 'Prince.'

As soon as we referred to that work, we found our anticipationconfirmed at first sight.The object of the 'Prince' (written in1513) was clearly to impress the Medici with the idea, that theywere called upon to unite the whole of Italy under one sovereignty;and to indicate to them the means whereby that end might beattained.The title and form of that book, as though its generalintention was to treat of the nature of absolute government, wereundoubtedly selected from motives of prudence.It only alludesincidentally to the various hereditary Princes and theirgovernments.Everywhere the author has in view only one Italianusurper.Principalities must be overthrown, dynasties destroyed,the feudal aristocracy brought under subjection, liberty in therepublics rooted out.The virtues of heaven and the artifices ofhell, wisdom and audacity, valour and treachery, good fortune andchance, must all be called forth, made use of, and tried by theusurper, in order to found an Italian empire.And to this end asecret is confided to him, the power of which has been thoroughlymade manifest three hundred years later -- a national army must becreated, to whom victory must be assured by new discipline and bynewly invented arms and manoeuvres.(2*)If the general character of his arguments leaves room for doubtas to the special bias of this author, such doubt will be removedby his last chapter.There he plainly declares that foreigninvasions and internal divisions are the fundamental causes of allthe evils prevailing in Italy; that the House of the Medici, underwhose dominion were (fortunately) Tuscany and the States of theChurch, were called by Providence itself to accomplish that greatwork; that the present was the best time and opportunity forintroducing a new r間ime, that now a new Moses must arise todeliver his people from the bondage of Egypt, that nothingconferred on a Prince more distinction and fame than greatenterprises.(3*)That anyone may read between the lines the tendency of thatbook in the other chapters also, may be best seen by the manner inwhich the author in his ninth chapter speaks of the States of theChurch.It is merely an irony when he says, 'The priests possessedlands but did not govern them, they held lordships but did notdefend them; these happiest of all territories were directlyprotected by God's Providence, it would be presumption to utter acriticism upon them.' He clearly by this language meant it to beunderstood without saying so in plain words: This country presentsno special impediment to a bold conqueror, especially to a Mediciwhose relative occupies the Papal chair.

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